President Emmerson Mnangagwa is haunted by the very system that brought him to power. Having helped orchestrate the 2017 coup against Robert Mugabe and narrowly escaping a secret one in 2019, he now lives in fear of history repeating itself. As tensions between him and Vice President Constantino Chiwenga grow, Mnangagwa is reshaping Zimbabwe’s military and flooding it with gifts to buy loyalty and prevent rebellion.
This week alone, he handed over more than 100 vehicles to the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. He called it part of a larger plan to give 700 vehicles to the army including buses and cars to supposedly improve their mobility. But few are fooled. Most Zimbabweans see this as another desperate move to keep the military happy and win their silence in his growing power struggle with Chiwenga.
Behind the scenes, Mnangagwa is systematically removing senior commanders. Some have been demoted others mysteriously passed away and many have been sidelined. This has created deep unease inside ZANU PF as the threat of another internal power grab looms large ahead of the 2028 elections.
Chiwenga and Mnangagwa once stood united against Mugabe but now they eye each other as rivals. Chiwenga with his long military career and liberation war credentials once commanded the army for 14 years. Mnangagwa also has a military past having served as Defence Minister. Now they are both tapping into their connections within the security forces to outmaneuver each other in a high-stakes battle for supremacy.
ZANU PF will hold a major meeting next month in Mutare. It is not officially about leadership but Mnangagwa’s allies want to use it to push for a third term for him which would extend his rule to 2030 despite the constitution capping it at 2028. This is part of his grand strategy to neutralise Chiwenga before the crucial 2027 party congress where a new presidential candidate could be chosen.
Mnangagwa’s entire strategy revolves around coup-proofing. He rotates military appointments promotes loyalists and creates overlapping security agencies to watch each other. This is designed to prevent any group from organising a coup behind his back. He weakens the army’s effectiveness but increases its dependence on him.
He also uses gifts and promotions not based on merit but loyalty. By constantly moving people around he prevents them from building strong alliances or long-term plots. Some are shifted into civilian posts where they continue to serve his interests under the guise of government work.
Like Mugabe before him Mnangagwa hides his fear behind big speeches. He talks about patriotism the liberation struggle and civilian supremacy to distract the army from its worsening conditions. He tells soldiers to serve the Republic not demand better pay. But these tactics are recycled tricks that did not save Mugabe and may not save Mnangagwa either.
His playbook is not only about money and cars. It is also about tribalism. Key positions in the army are now handed to people from his region or ethnic group. This divide-and-rule tactic ensures no single faction within the military becomes too powerful.
Since the 2017 coup Mnangagwa has dismantled Chiwenga’s influence in the army. He got rid of several generals who helped him rise to power. General Anselem Sanyatwe was removed from command posted to Tanzania then quietly returned as Minister of Sports after a suspected coup plot in March 2025.
The army’s leadership has changed five times in eight years. Under Mugabe it changed only once in 14 years. That shows how shaky the situation has become. Mnangagwa has also packed the police and intelligence with army officers further blurring the line between military and civilian rule. Zimbabwe is now run by men in uniform and this trend is deepening.
ZANU PF cannot survive without the military. That is why Mnangagwa keeps reshuffling commanders handing out rewards and watching his back. He knows the same guns that put him in power could one day turn on him.
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